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Originally, they had advised her on the logistics of undertaking projects — like working at the Clinton Foundation and giving paid speeches — that they thought would suit her and leave open the option of running for president. From its start inReady for Hillary seemed to inspire and harness a certain spark and spunk Clinton lacked during her first presidential run. She had e-mailed the former secretary of state as much as anyone through the private jadvits. This Give my boyfriend a hand job exactly the kind of behavior that they perceived as perniciously disloyal, and it infuriated them. This time, she wanted to show she was listening to voters — talking with them one- on-one or in small groups and in informal settings Linnea jarvits gay with the knowledge that Linnea jarvits gay she did would be dutifully reported by a press corps hungry for nuggets from the trail. The candidate would blame her staff for failing to contain the damage, and, privately, they would fault her for failing to take the steps necessary to do that. Not sure replied index Linnea parent directory shower sex by rumbling of michael lindsay himself must finesse and soliciting it.
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This banner text can have markup. Search the history of over billion web pages on the Internet. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available upon request. Her resume — first lady, senator, and secretary of state — was unassailable. At her peak in the last job, two- thirds of Americans had approved of her performance.
More important, she had spent a great deal of time and energy trying to correct the flaws of her Democratic primary loss to Barack Obama. And most political analysts believed that Democrats, coming off his consecutive victories, had two powerful advantages in presidential elections: a mortal lock on states that provided of the electoral votes needed to win the White House and a superior handle on the mechanics of turning out voters. Hillary and her husband, former president Bill Clinton, had been preparing for this bid for six years.
They had rewarded friends and punished disloyal Democrats after the race. Bill had raised money for Obama and delivered a rousing endorsement of the sitting president at the Democratic National Convention, a move that helped seal the Obama-Clinton bond. He had campaigned in Democratic primaries against candidates who the Clintons felt had betrayed Hillary in Once she was out of government, Hillary herself had hit the hustings for Democratic Senate candidates in the midterm elections.
And, in and , a super PAC run and funded by her allies had raised millions of dollars and collected hundreds of thousands of names of potential supporters.
They were Ready for Hillary. Having written the book HRC: State Secrets and the Rebirth of Hillary Clinton, we were convinced that she was indeed running and that no other Democrat could defeat her in the primary — the same conclusion that kept most serious Democrats from running against her. Some, like Missouri senator Claire McCaskill, endorsed her long before she committed to a run. In short, Hillary had every imaginable institutional advantage in winning the Democratic nomination.
And Hillary had always been a polarizing figure in American politics — particularly when she was a candidate. And we were taken aback by how much infighting was going on below the surface of her campaign at a time when, unlike , very little of it had spilled into the press.
In so many ways, and as some of our sources acknowledged, Hillary was fighting the last war. She did that with varying degrees of success. Over the course of a year and a half, in interviews with more than one hundred sources, we started to piece together a picture that was starkly at odds with the narrative the campaign and the media were portraying publicly. Every time it looked like she had hit her stride in the race, a new obstacle appeared in her path. We made one decision early on in our process that proved crucial in allowing us access to key players even at times when most of the media were walled off from Hillary and her senior staff.
We agreed to conduct all of our interviews on background, which provided anonymity to our sources. That gave them an extra sense of security on the off chance that we broke a vow that we observed throughout our reporting: none of the material would appear before the election. We spoke to nearly everyone we asked to interview, up and down the ranks of the campaign, and many of them talked to us during pivotal periods of the race. Without these guarantees, which protected our sources inside and outside the campaign from the possible reprisal of the next president, many of them would not have talked with us at all.
Others would have been much less candid. The trade-offs enabled us to get an extraordinary look at the last, tumultuous chapter of the Clinton era. In that final hurrah, Hillary broke one glass ceiling — becoming the first female nominee of a major political party — and forever put to rest the question of whether a woman could be seen as commander in chief.
She collected nearly And she did that while facing a set of trials and tribulations unlike any other in American campaign history: a partisan congressional investigation; a primary opponent who attacked her character; a rogue FBI director; the rank misogyny of her Republican rival; a media that scrutinized her every move while failing to get that Republican rival to turn over his tax returns; and even a Kremlin-based campaign to defeat her.
In the end, though, this was a winnable race for Hillary. Her own missteps — from setting up a controversial private e-mail server and giving speeches to Goldman Sachs to failing to convince voters that she was with them and turning her eyes away from working-class whites — gave Donald Trump the opportunity he needed to This is the story of how it all unraveled again for Hillary.
Her motorcade sped toward Roosevelt Island on the morning of June 13, In a little more than an hour, she would officially kick off what she hoped would be a trailblazing, glass- ceiling-shattering campaign for the presidency. For most of the previous forty-eight hours, she had been trying to give a feel of historic importance to her first major address. She picked up the phone and called her chief speechwriter, Dan Schwerin. After two days of trading drafts with Hillary, after waiting through the delay of a power outage at her Chappaqua, New York, home, the bearded thirty-two-year-old with a signature chestnut pompadour was just about to board the tram connecting Manhattan to the East River island.
He had stayed up all night, pulling together tweaks to the a. Now, battling exhaustion and the sweltering heat, Schwerin pulled out his laptop one more time and sat down on the platform so that Hillary could dictate her final edits. Few would notice the last- minute change. Hillary had tried to put together a team this time that would feature far less internal drama than her failed bid.
Back then, big personalities had clashed openly, aired dirty laundry and strategy details in the press, and sometimes pursued their own goals at the expense of hers. But that was hardly the only ailment from that she hoped to remedy. And she had failed to take advantage of the latest technology to build a movement of grassroots supporters and donors.
Over the next seven years, Hillary would rebuild her political organization while working at the State Department and the Clinton Foundation, punish those who had been disloyal to her, and prepare herself to mount a second bid for the most powerful job on the planet. By the time she finished the campaign, she believed, that glass ceiling would lay shattered beneath her feet.
They had pegged the Hawkeye State, where caucus-goers had doomed her first bid for the Oval Office, as the best spot for her kickoff speech. To the chagrin of campaign manager Robby Mook, who would have to build a billion-dollar apparatus, Hillary had been dragging her feet about making things official. She understood that her team needed to start raising funds, hire more staff, and begin recruiting volunteers. But she also knew she had to be fully prepared for this battle.
Mook, clean-cut with close-cropped brown hair and lively hazel eyes, was antsy. But Hillary was wary of repeating some of the major mistakes of her bid. This time, she wanted to show she was listening to voters — talking with them one- on-one or in small groups and in informal settings all with the knowledge that everything she did would be dutifully reported by a press corps hungry for nuggets from the trail. After a quarter of a century locked inside the political bubble of the New York-to- Washington stretch of the Acela corridor, Hillary was eager to find out what people thought about the state of the country — and about her.
And, if her book tour had taught her anything, it was that she was rusty as hell. Obama had been relentlessly superb at telling voters why he was running for president and giving them a window into how he would govern. He was confident, cocky even, about his vision. Hillary, a modest, midwestern Methodist with a love of minutiae, was unshakably focused on the trees rather than the forest.
She viewed it as an important kind of road map for her governing principles and her actual plans to be president. It had to be about how she could reshape the nation from the Oval Office. For Hillary, a wonk in the best and worst senses of the word, that meant devising her policy agenda before she ever stepped to the podium. Most politicians understand that voters are looking for big, bold principles — easy-to-grasp concepts — and that the details can be filled in to fit them.
For Hillary, policy is vision, and she would try to build a platform, program by program, into a blueprint for the country. This prospect was actually a relief. It was more comfortable for her to sit in four-hour meetings at the conference table with her policy chief — the reedy, whip- smart Jake Sullivan — than to define herself by a small set of guiding principles and shape her policy ideas to fit them. Hillary adored the thirty-eight-year-old Sullivan, enough to joke publicly about her confidence that he would someday be president of the United States.
He had served Hillary as deputy chief of staff at State, a position from which he gradually vacuumed up all or parts of the jobs of several senior colleagues. Hillary appreciated both his competence and his ambition. His instincts on policy and politics matched hers. So she turned to him to run what she thought was the most important part of the campaign: the substance. But it would soon seem like a minor nuisance for a campaign that was miserable even before it started.
In early March, just as she was planning to reintroduce herself to a nation that felt it knew her all too well with a video announcement of her campaign, the New York Times reported that Hillary had used an e-mail address tied to a personal server at her family home in Chappaqua to conduct official State Department business.
The e-mail story would bedevil her straight through Election Day, robbing her of the ability to create a positive narrative for her candidacy and, as one top adviser put it, returning to her like a cold sore. The crisis acted as a catalyst for infighting. Publicly, she was running a no- drama campaign. Short, wiry, and in his midsixties, the marathon-running former top aide to Presidents Bill Clinton and Barack Obama had deep ties to every power center in the Democratic Party.
In theory, Podesta would provide air cover in Clintonworld, lessening the burden on Mook and allowing the campaign manager to focus on executing. But even as Podesta provided guidance to Mook, the two clashed stylistically from the outset. When the e-mail scandal first burst into the open, Philippe Reines, who had a rare direct line to the boss after running her media operations at the State Department and in the Senate, went to war with Jennifer Palmieri, the new communications director for the campaign, over how to respond.
Reines, highly obsessive, ultraloyal to Hillary, and possessed of an acid tongue, pointed his finger at Palmieri when Hillary complained that deliberations about the timing of her first public remarks on the e-mail server were leaking to the media.
Podesta replied just to her. Why are you fanning this with her? Often they went through Abedin, but some had a direct line to Hillary. Originally, they had advised her on the logistics of undertaking projects — like working at the Clinton Foundation and giving paid speeches — that they thought would suit her and leave open the option of running for president.
The approval of speeches to Wall Street banks and her work at the foundation would later prove to be missteps. That compelled her most trusted aides to try to prove themselves in the political arena and the campaign- trail veterans to jockey to get closer to her.
Everyone was throwing elbows. Schwerin, the chief speechwriter, found himself at the center of all that distress as he tried to fashion her first big address, which would take place not in Iowa but on Roosevelt Island, a narrow strip of land in the East River named after FDR. She would speak from Four Freedoms Park, a monument to his legendary speech to Congress.
If she won the presidency, her remarks would be seen as an important historical marker. He was a well-liked fixture within the small but influential State Department clique that transitioned into top jobs on her presidential campaign.
With neatly kept facial hair that made him look just a few years more mature than his actual age, Schwerin struggled from the start to write anything that could pass muster with Benenson and Palmieri. Benenson and Margolis reached out to Jon Favreau, the vaunted speech writer for Barack Obama, to help draft the kind of visionary message that had eluded Hillary in her first campaign for the presidency.
Favreau, then thirty- three, had seen a lot in his short life as a political operative. By putting words in the mouth of a politician with a unique gift for giving wings to oratory, Favreau had ascended to an elite rung of political speechwriters by the time he arrived at the White House in His natural writing skills were bolstered by a meticulous work ethic and years of serving an exciting boss with oratorical flair.
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Brooklyn Paper: Brooklyn Restaurants
Stay in touch with your community. Subscribe to our free newsletter:. Email address. Zip code. Award winning fruitcake?! For most of us, eating fruitcake never sounds like a good idea, so making it would be a complete waste of time. And under normal circumstances, there really would be no reason to even try to make it better because the ingredients on their own: the funky red and green cherries, the unidentifiable weird crunchy nuggets whose idea were those?
Red Hook: Sausage lovers, rejoice! Williamsburg: Grand Street is about to get a whole lot cornier — thanks to the opening of Caracas Brooklyn — a Venezuelan restaurant specializing in stuffed cornmeal arepas.
Who says no one likes a show-off? By The Brooklyn Paper Staff. Brooklyn has many heroes. But on Thanksgiving, these are the giants. Fort Greene: It is the best of times, it is the most exhausting of times. Dyker Heights: Still insist on roasting, frying or barbecuing your own turkey this Thanksgiving? Skip the supermarket and head straight to La Pera Brothers in Dyker Heights — the oldest live poultry market in the city. Since , La Pera customers have been taking a gander at the merchandise and picking out their dinners for themselves.
Find that a bit intimidating? Just call over manager Carlo Formisano, and this professor of poultry will give you all the pointers you need. But denizens of Bay Ridge are the latest to discover how incorrect that old maxim can be. Park Slope: Drinks at the Cabana, then seafood on la Playa.
The warm, contemporary interior beckons with a comfortable and cozy dining experience. Downtown: Downtown office workers, starving for a delicious lunchtime sandwich, can now have their day on Court — F.
Red Hook: Is the revitalization of Red Hook back on schedule? By Ben Muessig. Heath bar? The Search: Our columnist admits that some brunches are OK. On Sept. Williamsburg: Come on, admit it: you want to learn how to butcher a pig. By Sarah Portlock. Downtown: Downtown Brooklynites will be unsuspecting guinea pigs at a new deli on Court Street: the Italian-sounding F.
Aw, shucks! Carroll Gardens: The city reversed itself and halted work on an embattled raw bar being built on a residential block of Hoyt Street in Carroll Gardens. Bay Ridge: Are you craving a big night out, but feeling the pinch of inflation? Well, as close as Gravesend, there is a Russian nightclub where your dollar seems to have all of the purchasing power of the ruble, circa Downtown is soul-less!
By Sarah Portlock and Michael Lipkin. And they do have a bar, and even a grill. But if you expect to find a couple of bleary-eyed, unshaven men hanging on bar stools…well, perhaps you are taking the name a little too literally. Williamsburg: Eat your heart out, Eric Ripert. Williamsburg: Borough President Marty Markowitz is feted with flair and a sizzle by restaurateur Spencer Rothschild at his Mexican hotspot, Barrio, 7th Avenue, when the beep stopped in for a bite with wife Jamie on the weekend of the recent Seventh Heaven festival in Park Slope.
Williamsburg: A violinist provided the sweet serenade, welcoming patrons with aplomb when Marco Polo Ristorante celebrated its 25th anniversary. Vox Pop: Court Street is officially the most cultured block in the borough. Three frozen yogurt shops — all offering the same sweet-tart treat — are opening within a span of three blocks between State and Remsen Streets.
Does Downtown really need so much frozen yogurt — or will the battle to win over dessert-loving pedestrians end up as so much curdled milk? We hit the street to find out. The fumes of grilling pork rose to meet the smell of close, hot bodies. And then it began to pour. This was the second annual UnFancy Food Show, a celebration of Brooklyn food artisans and small producers in a defiantly un-fancy setting in Williamsburg.
Fort Greene: Fort Greene bistro Chez Oskar to celebrate Bastille Day — and its 10th anniversary — with live music, fire-eating, a prix-fixe menu and more!
Food producers from all over the world flocked to the annual Fancy Food and Confection show at the Javits Center, but Brooklyn companies came out in full force. Vintage victuals By Kate Ray. Save the receipt By Carolina Capehart. Now that was an offer few could refuse.
Ham it up BK Williamsburg: What is the best burger in New York City? It is a question that produces nearly as many answers as there are burger-eaters. But on May 20, it will be answered once and for all. Little Bangkok By Chris Varmus. This reporter likes pad Thai as much as the next guy, but is there really room for all of these eateries?
Ever wonder how the letters in alphabet soup are made? By Helen Klein. Breaking Chews: We're dishing up Brooklyn's latest food news! As kosher kitchens busy themselves in preparation for Passover, the Center for Kosher Culinary Arts in Midwood is on hiatus for a few weeks — so they were able to kibbitz with GO Brooklyn about Passover food trends.
Perched on the corner of North Sixth Street and Wythe Avenue, completely encased in vertical wood planks, some people said it was a restaurant, others claimed it was a private dining club and still more swore it was a warehouse with some dark, nefarious purpose.
Sixth St. By Adam Rathe. Food for thought By Adam Rathe. Challah back girls By C. The Center for Kosher Culinary Arts brings classes in fruit and vegetable carving, sushi-making and more to Midwood. After a five-month break, the diner opened its doors under the watchful eye of Katehis who also owns the Carroll Gardens Classic Diner on Smith Street , and on its first day, it was indeed swamped.
In November, Mediterra took its place. And while making dinner for your sweetheart is certainly an admirable gesture, why not leave the cooking to the professionals? As we write, the heady scent of homemade chocolate treats is wafting from every corner of the borough. Mad for Madiba By Adam Rathe.
Recipes for Super Bowl snacks from local chefs. Taste for travel The Brooklyn Paper. Visit any of these eateries and you can dine like a globetrotter without leaving the borough. Cuckoo for cocoa By Lucy Baker. Digesting By Tina Barry.
Let it be known that was the year of the cocktail in Brooklyn.