Teenage abortion theries-The process of decision-making on abortion: a grounded theory study of young men in Sweden.

A Justice Department spokesperson declined to comment. Starting in , the Trump administration instituted a policy that prohibited undocumented, unaccompanied minors from obtaining abortions while in US custody. The Office of Refugee Resettlement, an arm of the Department of Health and Human Services, manages care for unaccompanied immigrant children and teenagers. Adult immigrants being held by immigration authorities are allowed to have the procedure. According to court filings, in fiscal year — the most recent data available — 18 pregnant teenagers being held by ORR asked for an abortion.

Teenage abortion theries

Teenage abortion theries

Teenage abortion theries

Teenage abortion theries

Case law Constitutional law History of abortion aborttion Laws by country Buffer zones Conscientious objection Fetal protection Heartbeat bills Informed consent Late-term restrictions Teenage abortion theries involvement Spousal consent. Agadjanian V. Up a cheerleaders skirt is an exploratory study using in-depth interview to explore factors related to abortion decision-making in a changing context. Skip to main content. If she did, an appointment was made at a convenient location. The Rockefeller Commission on "Population and the American Future" cites a study which found that children born to women who had been denied an abortion "turned Teenage abortion theries to have been registered more often with psychiatric services, engaged in more antisocial and aobrtion behavior, and have been more dependent on public assistance.

Vaginal masssage. Teen Births

It causes the White daughter and black sex to soften and dilate. Or is it merely a potential person? The solution burns and kills the Teenage abortion theries, stops placental functioning, and stimulates labor. The concept of absolute rights is compatible with deontological ethics such as Kant or Natural Law, but not utilitarianism. Pavone, Priests for Life. There are many methods of abortion used in Canada. Virtue Ethics It is always a more difficult to apply Virtue Ethics, as it is concerned with the sort of abortin we should be. Her argument also illustrates how the law is framed in the UK. Secondly, you would give equal rights to every human being to be taken seriously in the equation. Before I formed you in the womb I knew you, and before you were born I consecrated you. A Teenage abortion theries clearer link needs to be sbortion to ascertain the validity of this argument, such as the women in question clearly attributing their mental health thries to an abortion.

The effect of legalized abortion on crime also the Donohue—Levitt hypothesis is a hypothesized controversial reduction in crime in the decades following the legalization of abortion , as a result of fewer children at the highest risk of committing crime being born due to the availability of the procedure.

  • Click here for the current state of UK law on abortion.
  • Games and Quizzes Exam practice.
  • Psychoanalytic Theory of Gender p.
  • In this section, users will find definitions and rationales behind common theories i.

In , there were Nearly nine in ten Not all teen births are first births. In , one in six Grantees may use PAF Program funds to help expectant and parenting teens complete high school or earn postsecondary degrees, as well as to gain access to healthcare, child care, family housing, and other critical supports.

The money can also be used to improve services for pregnant women who are victims of domestic violence and to increase public awareness and education efforts surrounding teen pregnancy prevention, among other activities.

Find more information about the Pregnancy Assistance Fund. Teen birth rates differ substantially by age, racial and ethnic group, and region of the country. Most adolescents who give birth are 18 or older; in , 75 percent of all teen births occurred to to year-olds.

In , Hispanic adolescent females ages had a higher birth rate Source for Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Births: Final data for National Vital Statistics Reports, 64 National Vital Statistics Reports, 66 1. National Vital Statistics Reports, 67 1. Natality public-use data [Data set]. Teen birth rates also vary substantially across regions and states. In , the lowest teen birth rates were reported in the Northeast, while rates were highest in states across the southern part of the country see Figure 2.

The national teen pregnancy rate number of pregnancies per 1, females ages has declined almost continuously over the last quarter century. The teen pregnancy rate includes pregnancies that end in a live birth, as well as those that end in abortion or miscarriage fetal loss. About 77 percent of teen pregnancies are unplanned. The rate of abortions among adolescents is the lowest since abortion was legalized in and is 76 percent lower than its peak in Numerous individual, family, and community characteristics have been linked to adolescent childbearing.

For example, adolescents who are enrolled in school and engaged in learning including participating in after-school activities, having positive attitudes toward school, and performing well educationally are less likely than are other adolescents to have a baby.

In addition, having lived with both biological parents at age 14 is associated with a lower risk of a teen birth. To sign up for updates or to access your subscriber preferences, please enter your contact information below. Washington, D. Skip to main content. Trends in Teen Pregnancy and Childbearing. Teen Births In , there were Variations in Teen Birth Rates across Populations Teen birth rates differ substantially by age, racial and ethnic group, and region of the country.

Characteristics Associated with Adolescent Childbearing Numerous individual, family, and community characteristics have been linked to adolescent childbearing. National Vital Statistics Reports, 67 8. Demographic Yearbook Percentage of teens who will experience a first birth based on analyses of NCHS Vital Statistics final birth data.

Washington, DC: Child Trends. Pregnancies, births and abortions among adolescents and young women in the United States, National and state trends by age, race and ethnicity.

Guttmacher Institute. Explaining recent declines in adolescent pregnancy in the United States: The contribution of abstinence and improved contraceptive use. American Journal of Public Health, 97 1 , National health statistics reports: Intended and unintended births in the United States: No. Sexual risk and protective factors: Factors affecting teen sexual behavior, pregnancy, childbearing and sexually transmitted disease. Vital Health Statistics, 23 Connect With OPA.

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Which can you change? Certainly, they are not expressed in the Bible. Medical abortion is preferred over surgical abortion by some women because of its effectiveness in early pregnancy, or because it does not require anesthetics or use of surgical instruments. This is because UK legislation is framed in such a way as to present abortion as a medical issue. We have not consented to this situation, because we were kidnapped by friends of the violinist who needed to find someone with the same blood group.

Teenage abortion theries

Teenage abortion theries. Questions On Gender Identity And Gender Essay

And I think most women do care about their foetus some obsessively so, going on strange diets and refusing to enter houses with cats present because there is some infinitessimally small chance of catching a disease from cats that causes miscarriages. But her main point is well made. One person is growing a foetus inside her.

One person faces all the risks of pregnancy and the probable pain of childbirth. One person is facing a lifetime of dependence or the choice of adoption with all its emotional heartache.

Her argument also illustrates how the law is framed in the UK. We do recognize a difference between dependent foetuses and those who have a chance of independent life. This is why the legal period for abortions continues to fall, and may yet fall further as the age of viability is now 22 weeks. She may also have hit on the reason most people accept abortions up to say 13 weeks, but dislike the idea of late abortions. They fear perhaps that a baby-like being might just survive outside the womb, and they feel this is somehow morally different.

But her case does not depend on this because it is only an argument about the moral status of a dependent being.

For an action to be good, the kind it belongs to must not be bad, the circumstances must be appropriate, and the intention must be virtuous. So a bad intention can make a good act evil to have an abortion, assuming we think this is good, could be spoiled by having one just because I want to go on holiday , but a good intention cannot make a bad act good if I steal to help the poor it is still stealing, and if I have an abortion to save my family financial hardship it is still killing.

In two particular ways Aquinas develops Aristotelean thought, in one a direction which is undoubtedly helpful, and in another which is arguably unhelpful to the abortion debate.

Aquinas was keen to separate out the intention of an act from its consequences. He saw very clearly that good acts done from good intentions could have bad consequences.

The example he discusses involved someone who kills an attacker in self-defence. The good intention is to defend oneself, the bad consequence, the death of the assailant. The two effects of the action mentioned above, of defending oneself with the good intention of saving your life, are the preservation of life and the death of the attacker. The Catholic Church has followed this doctrine.

Intentionally, we must act out of virtue, but the consequences are also important as the doctrine of double effect demonstrates. In some ways at this point Aquinas is asking us to think like a utilitarian, to ask whether the bad consequences outweigh the good, or vice versa, and to do a calculation. The aim is social flourishing — and to Aquinas anything that interferes with the sanctity of life is tantamount to committing social suicide.

Here we encounter the theory of the origin of the natural law. A pure Aristotelean would argue that reason defines the good and the bad in accordance with some concept of the virtuous mean. The natural law is simply a sharing, by rational creatures, in the eternal law of God.

It obliges us to love God and our neighbour, to accept the true faith, and to offer worship. This it seems to me is a development beyond Aristotle which has big philosophical problems not least the assumption that God exists. Whereas Aristotelean thought seems quite content to relativise reason and to have a debate for example, about which virtues to include or exclude this move by Aquinas is in danger of absolutising reason and placing its definition in the hands of the Magisterium the rule-making process of the Catholic Church.

One is not allowed to observe the Laws of Mourning for an expelled fetus. Rabbi Balfour Brickner. Suppose it can be established by observation, because we are Aristoteleans that this function is actually primary for two humans to mate successfully they must actually enjoy each other! Is this such an absurd proposition?

And is there anything in the Bible to contradict this view? After all, our worldview is logically prior to our perception: the fact that we now understand genetics and fetal development so much better inevitably determines how we view other more primitive ideas such as the soul arriving at the moment of quickening. We might note in passing that Aquinas believed the soul arrived after 40 days for the male and 90 days for the female! So we come to the biggest objection to natural law. To consider the moral status of this policy, we need only consider an analogy.

The argument against abortion from natural law, and the argument against contraception are, I suggest, the same argument. Both stem from the premise that the ergon of sex is to reproduce.

Both stem from views about the sanctity of human life and the wrongness of preventing a potential human being, knit together by God from conception, from developing. Both stem from the obsession with finding a moment, a sacred ensoulment or a sacred conception, when a human person begins and has moral status.

Both have immoral consequences: the opposition to abortion entails the giving birth of unwanted or handicapped children, as well as suffering for the mother who might be tempted to go backstage to an old lady with knitting needles. The opposition to contraception has the consequences of overpopulation and thespreading of a deadly disease. The road to hell is paved with good intentions, and arguably, lousy philosophy.

But because the concept of flourishing is partly relative to our cultural and gender perspective, we might argue that Natural law theory is open to the possibility that our views on such issues can change. Kantian ethics is perhaps the hardest to grasp. Partly this is due to language: talking about the a priori synthetic or the categorical imperative presents us with a conceptual fog before we even start. Nor do I believe that many of the objections to Kantian ethics really stand up.

Rousseau gave us the idea of the social contract, Kant, the idea of the legislature of moral beings existing in a kingdom of ends and coming up impartially so to speak with some idea of the common good and universal rights that guarantee this summum bonum. Newtonian science was something that applied, Kant thought, to the phenomenal world or world of matter and time and space.

Newton gave us immutable laws such as the law of gravity which came to him as a result of an apple landing on his head. It is also contingent because it depends on the natural world being as it is.

If all this applied to the Newtonian phenomenal world, could it not also apply to the world of values? Could there not also be a realm of pure reason which was derived a priori not from experience or desire, but simply by the application of reason willing what was good?

And the good? The good was definable by applying the categorical imperative which gave us our concept of a right action, one which we ought to do. Note that a little assumption has been slipped in here, namely that we will what is good, rather than what is evil. Is this argument not circular, in the sense that we assume that we will the good, which leads us to apply the categorical imperative, which then leads us to do the good?

Not exactly. Kant was attempting to objectify morality, to take it away from our subjective desires or selfish interests. He saw clearly, and rightly, that the natural law tradition had used sanctions to try and force us to act in a way that is contrary to our desires, by using fear and punishment. Natural law theory had imposed a conscience on us, but surely there were grounds for arguing that human beings, free from the chains of guilt and fear, could work out for themselves the difference between right and wrong?

The point is this, it becomes a hypothetical statement because my moral compass is set as it were by my known desires. After all, my desires are fluctuating and may be inconsistent or purely selfish. That compass with a fixed point is the categorical imperative.

What it gives us is a way of applying our reason to a situation so as to determine the rightness of our conduct in that specific situation. There is nothing abstract here; we can apply this imperative any where and any time; it is a priori because it is derivable from reason and it is contingent because it depends on the way the world is, with reason as the essential part of human beings, applied to contingent situations ie real daily situations like what you and I might face.

Imagine, says Kant, that you are a person with a good will able to think rationally in every situation. How would you think? Well first you would universalize your moral maxim, you would ask if anyone else was in the same situation as you whether you could reasonably will the same maxim for them. Secondly, you would give equal rights to every human being to be taken seriously in the equation. No-one would be a means to some end, but an end in themselves. I say please and thank you to the shopkeeper because they are a person in their own right with dignity and worthy of respect, they are not just a means to my getting food even though they are clearly a means to that!

Thirdly, Kant argued that we should imagine we are in a moral parliament, and everyone has one vote. We should act in such a way as this moral parliament would vote as a law binding all members, with everyone having one vote and not more than one vote. Suction is used for a final clean out of any bits of fetal or placental tissue that may remain.

This kills the fetus and stimulates contractions. Urea also begins the breakdown of fetal bones and other tissue to make removal of the parts easier for the abortionist and less painful for the mother. There are no laws in Canada restricting abortion. Since abortion reporting and recording is inconsistent and incomplete across Canada, it is not known if, or how many, abortions occur by this method in Canada each year.

Laminaria treatment over several days causes wide cervical dilation. The abortionist, guided by ultrasound, uses forceps to grasp the fetus and position it face down and feet first. The fetus, intact and often still alive at this point, is delivered up to the head. The head is too big to pass through the cervix. After puncturing the base of the skull, the brain is suctioned out, the skull collapses, and the dead fetus is delivered. Digoxin, potassium chloride, saline or urea are sometimes used to kill the fetus before delivery.

Local or general anesthetic is given to the mother before her cervix is dilated. The cervix is dilated with laminaria or rigid dilators; sometimes, the prostaglandin Misoprostol is also given to soften and dilate the cervix.

A loop-shaped knife called a curette is inserted through the cervix. The curette cuts the fetus and its placenta from the uterine wall and breaks it up.

Then the fetal parts and the placenta are scraped out of the uterus through the cervix and discarded. Hysterotomy refers to a caesarean delivery as an abortion method.

The fetus is lifted out, the placenta is delivered and the umbilical cord is clamped. If no chemical has been injected to kill the fetus prior to this point, the fetus is often still alive. Hysterotomy is sometimes used in situations where there is a uterine abnormality, which would make the more common abortion methods difficult or impossible. Hysterectomy is the removal of the uterus. When used as abortion methods, these procedures have a higher risk of major complications and death than any other method.

Medical abortion is not commonly recommended in pregnancies past the first days because of the increase in incomplete abortion, heavy and prolonged uterine bleeding and ongoing pregnancy past this stage. Medical abortion takes longer than surgical abortion, is less effective, and requires more clinic visits. Medical abortion results in heavier, more prolonged bleeding, and more pain, nausea and vomiting than surgical abortion.

Medical abortion is preferred over surgical abortion by some women because of its effectiveness in early pregnancy, or because it does not require anesthetics or use of surgical instruments. Other women prefer it because it is more private and possibly more accessible, and because it may more closely resemble natural miscarriage. Most medical abortions involve the use of a combination of drugs that work together to bring about the abortion over a period of a number of days or weeks.

In Canada, methotrexate and misoprostol are used together for medical abortion up to 49 days of pregnancy. Methotrexate breaks down the cell layer that attaches the embryo to the wall of the uterus, depriving the embryo of essential nutrients and resulting in its death. Abortion with methotrexate and misoprostol requires several clinic visits. During the first visit, methotrexate is injected, followed at days with misoprostol pills at home or at a clinic, either inserted into the vagina or taken by mouth.

Side effects of medical abortion using methotrexate and misoprostol include: significant cramping pain and heavy bleeding during the abortion, along with nausea, vomiting, diarrhea, headache, fever, and chills; prolonged bleeding for one to seven weeks afterwards, and infection; birth defects if the pregnancy is ongoing and the fetus survives.

Misoprostol is a synthetic prostaglandin that causes the cervix to soften and dilate, and the uterus to contract and expel the embryo or fetus.

Misoprostol is used vaginally in abortions up to 56 days since the first day of the last menstrual period. Early side effects are worse with this method than with other methods of medical abortion, and include pain, dizziness, nausea, vomiting, diarrhea, chills and rashes. Misoprostol is generally used with another drug because of the higher incidence of side effects and lower rate of effectiveness when it is used alone.

Misoprostol is commonly used in surgical abortions as well, to soften and dilate the cervix, and to reduce bleeding. Mifepristone is not approved for abortion in Canada. Mifepristone causes abortion by blocking the action of progesterone. Progesterone prepares the uterine lining for implantation and is essential for maintenance of the pregnancy. Progesterone also suppresses uterine contractions.

Trends in Teen Pregnancy and Childbearing | glitteringstew.com

Background: Decision-making about if and how to terminate a pregnancy is a dilemma for young women experiencing an unwanted pregnancy. Those women are subject to sociocultural and economic barriers that limit their autonomy and make them vulnerable to pressures that influence or force decisions about abortion. Objective : The objective of this study was to explore the individual, interpersonal and environmental factors behind the abortion decision-making process among young Mozambican women.

Methods : A qualitative study was conducted in Maputo and Quelimane. Participants were identified during a cross-sectional survey with women in the reproductive age 15— In total, 14 women aged 15 to 24 who had had an abortion participated in in-depth interviews. A thematic analysis was used. Results : The study found determinants at different levels, including the low degree of autonomy for women, the limited availability of health facilities providing abortion services and a lack of patient-centeredness of health services.

Conclusions : Based on the results of the study, the authors suggest strategies to increase knowledge of abortion rights and services and to improve the quality and accessibility of abortion services in Mozambique. Abortion among adolescents and youth is a major public health issue, especially in developing countries. Estimates indicate that 2. In , of the The consequences of abortion, especially unsafe abortion, are well documented and include physical complications e.

The physical complications are more severe among adolescents than older women and increase the risk of morbidity and mortality [ 6 , 7 ].

However, the detrimental effects of unsafe abortion are not limited to the individual but also affect the entire healthcare system, with the treatment of complications consuming a significant share of resources e.

The decision if and how to terminate a pregnancy is influenced by a variety of factors at different levels [ 9 ]. At the individual level these factors include: their marital status, whether they were the victim of rape or incest [ 10 , 11 ], their economic independence and their education level [ 10 , 12 ].

At the organizational level, the existence of sex education [ 10 , 14 ], the health care system, and abortion laws influence the decisions if and where to have an abortion. Those factors are related to power and gender inequalities. Additionally, the situation is exacerbated when there is a lack of clarity and information on abortion status, despite the existence of a progressive law in this regard.

Women younger than 16 or psychically incapable of deciding need parental consent [ 19 , 20 ]. Notwithstanding the progressive abortion laws in Mozambique, hospital-based studies report that unsafe abortion remains one of the main causes of maternal death in Mozambique [ 3 ].

However, hospital cases are only a small share of unsafe abortions in the country. Many women undergo an abortion in illegal and unsafe circumstances for a variety of reasons [ 3 ], such as legal restrictions, the fear of stigma [ 21 , 22 , 23 ], and a lack of knowledge of the availability of abortion services [ 3 , 9 , 23 ]. These data show the high demand for safe abortion among young women. For all this described above, Mozambique is an interesting place to study this decision-making process; given the changing legal framework, women may have to navigate gray areas in terms of legality, safety, and access when seeking abortion, which is stigmatized but necessary for the health, well-being, and social position of many young women.

The objective of this study is to explore the individual, interpersonal and environmental factors behind the abortion decision-making process. This entails both the decision to have an abortion and the decision on how to have the abortion. By examining fourteen stories of young women with an episode of induced abortion, we contribute to the documentation of the circumstances around the abortion decision making, and also to inform the policymakers on complexity of this issue for, which in turn can contribute to improve the strategies designed to reduce the cases of maternal morbidity and mortality in Mozambique.

This is an exploratory study using in-depth interview to explore factors related to abortion decision-making in a changing context. As research on this topic is limited, we opted for a qualitative research framework that aims to identify factors influencing this decision-making process.

The study was conducted in two Mozambican cities, Maputo and Quelimane. These cities were selected because they registered more abortions than other cities in the same region. Furthermore, the two differ radically in terms of culture, with Maputo in the South being patrilineal and Quelimane in the Central Region matrilineal, which could influence the abortion decision-making process. The fieldwork took place between July—August and January—February The data were collected through in-depth interviews, asking participants about their experiences with induced abortion and what motivated them to get an abortion.

To approach and recruit participants Figure 1 , we used the information collected during a cross-sectional survey with women in the reproductive age 15—49 , These women were selected randomly applying multistage cluster based on household registers. The information sheet and informed consent form for this household survey included information about a possible follow-up study. Participants who were within the age-range 15—24 years and who reported having had an abortion were contacted by phone.

In this contact, the researcher MF introduced herself, reminded the participant of the study she took part in, explained the follow-up study and asked whether she was willing to participate in this. If she did, an appointment was made at a convenient location. Before each interview, we explained to each participant why she was invited to the second interview. Participants were also informed of interview procedures, confidentiality and anonymity in the management of the data, and the possibility to withdraw from the interview at any time.

In total 14, young women 15—24 agreed to participate: nine in Maputo and five in Quelimane. Six of them were interviewed twice to explore further aspects that remained unclear after the first interview. The interviews were conducted in Portuguese. To start the interview, the participant was invited to tell her life history from puberty until the moment when the abortion occurred.

During the conversation, we used probing questions to elicit more details. Gradually, we added questions related to the abortion and factors that influenced the decision process. The main questions were related to the pregnancy history, abortion decision-making, and help-seeking behaviour. The guideline was adapted from WHO tools [ 27 , 28 ]. Before the implementation of the guideline, it was discussed first with another Mozambican researcher to see how they fell regarding the question.

After those questions were revised or removed from the guideline. After an initial reading, one of the authors MF developed a coding tree on factors determining the decision-making. A structured thematic analysis was used to make inferences and elicit key emerging themes from the text-based data [ 29 , 30 ]. The coding tree was based on the ecological model, which is a comprehensive framework that emphasizes the interaction between, and interdependence of factors within and across all levels of a health problem since it considers that the behaviour affects and is affected by multiple levels of influence [ 31 , 32 ].

Finally, the data was interpreted, and conclusions were drawn [ 33 ]. We also asked for the institutional approval of the Minister of Health and authorities at the provincial and community levels. The participants gave their informed consent after the objectives and interview procedures had been explained to them. The participants were informed that they might be contacted and invited, within six months, to participate in another interview.

The providers are the people who carried out the abortion procedure. These may be categorized into skilled and unskilled providers: the former refers to a professional i. Another concept that requires further explanation is the legal procedure. This corresponds to a set of steps to be followed to comply with the law [ 19 , 20 ]. Specifically, this means that a committee should authorize the induced abortion and an identification document should be available, as well as an informed consent form from the pregnant woman.

If the woman is a minor, consent is given by her legal guardian. An ultrasound exam is required to determine the gestational age.

The characteristics of the interviewees are summarized in Table 1. The 14 participants were aged 17 to 24 years. Eight had completed secondary school, four had achieved the second level of primary school, and two were university students. Almost all 13 were Christian. Five participants were studying, eight were unemployed, and one was working. The median age of their first sexual intercourse was Participants reported living with one or both parents 12 , with their uncle 1 or alone 1.

They lived in suburban areas of Maputo and Quelimane, which are slums with poor living conditions. In these areas, most households earn their income through small businesses that also involve child labour e. Among the participants, five reported more than one pregnancy. One interviewee first had a stillbirth and then two abortions. Another woman gave birth to a girl and afterward terminated two pregnancies.

Two interviewees reported two pregnancies, the first of which was brought to full term and the second one terminated. One woman first had an abortion and afterward gave birth to a child.

In short, 14 interviewees in total reported on the experiences and decision-making of 16 abortions. One participant stated that the pregnancy was the consequence of rape. Of the 16 reported abortions, seven were performed after the new law came into force at the end of , and nine were carried out before this time. In this study, 12 abortions were done by skilled providers and two by unskilled providers.

The unskilled providers were a mother and a husband, respectively. None of the cases, whose abortion was done by a skilled provider, included in this study followed the legal procedure. In the analysis of the interviews, we studied the personal, interpersonal and environmental factors that influenced six different types of abortion stories, see Table 2 : 1 an abortion was performed because the pregnancy was unwanted; 2 an abortion was carried out although the pregnancy was wanted; 3 the abortion was done by an unskilled provider at home; 4 an abortion was carried out by a skilled provider outside the hospital; 5 a particular abortion procedure medical or chirurgical was chosen, and 6 the legal procedure was not followed in the hospital.

Factors influencing the choice for a particular technical procedure were also examined. I learned with my first pregnancy. When I became pregnant again, my daughter was a child, and I could not have another child.

However, as I wanted to continue my studies, I told him no, no I do not. In these cases, the decision to abort the pregnancy was not made by the woman herself but imposed by others or by the circumstances.

If it was my decision I would keep it because I wanted it. Other young women indicated the refusal of paternity as a reason to terminate the pregnancy. There was a time, we argued with each other, and we terminated the relationship. Later, we started dating again, and I got pregnant. He said it was not possible. He said eee: I do not know, that is not my child.

Teenage abortion theries