Facial expressions of emotion in china-

Although perceivers often agree about the primary emotion that is conveyed by a particular expression, observers may concurrently perceive several additional emotions from a given facial expression. In the present research, we compared the perception of two types of nonintended emotions in Chinese and Dutch observers viewing facial expressions: emotions which were morphologically similar to the intended emotion and emotions which were morphologically dissimilar to the intended emotion. Findings were consistent across two studies and showed that a morphologically similar emotions were endorsed to a greater extent than dissimilar emotions and b Chinese observers endorsed nonintended emotions more than did Dutch observers. Furthermore, the difference between Chinese and Dutch observers was more pronounced for the endorsement of morphologically similar emotions than of dissimilar emotions. We also obtained consistent evidence that Dutch observers endorsed nonintended emotions that were congruent with the preceding expressions to a greater degree.

Facial expressions of emotion in china

Facial expressions of emotion in china

Facial expressions of emotion in china

Tseng, W. Psychological Review98 The dynamic aspects of emotional facial expressions. Cross-cultural emotion recognition among Canadian ethnic groups. No use, distribution or Carmen miranda flashing photo is permitted which does not comply with these terms. Twenty Dutch participants from the University of Amsterdam and 20 Chinese participants from Zhejiang University were recruited for the pilot test. The universal content and structure of values: Theoretical advances and empirical tests in 20 countries. You can login by using one of your existing accounts.

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They even consider leisure is not important. We have the answers. Yuki, M. Voluntary expression travels from the primary emofion cortex through the pyramidal tractspecifically the corticobulbar projections. Indications : Open-mouthed smile, wide eyes, and raised eyebrows. Cognition and Emotion. Carmas provided another interesting possible explanation—mom. Nearly everything about us is a mix of biology, culture and experience. References Blais, C. Create a Site Search Sites Log in.

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  • Recent studies on facial expressions have destroyed any suggestions that facial expressions convey the same emotions or meanings all over the world.
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  • A facial expression [1] is one or more motions or positions of the muscles beneath the skin of the face.

Journal of Nonverbal Behavior. This paper attempts to integrate the scattered studies on Chinese emotion and proposes some methodological and substantive suggestions for future work.

Emotions are construed as interpretations of physiological response to important social events with these interpretations guiding behavior. Concerning interpretation, the dimensions used by Chinese to understand emotion-eliciting events are the same as those found in many other cultures.

Which sorts of events are keyed to these dimensions appear to differ, however, in ways consistent with theorizing about power distance and collectivism. Concerning physiological reactions, there appears again to be evidence for universality in the pattern of response for given emotions. What differs in Chinese culture is the lower frequency, intensity and duration with which emotions are typically experienced. Cultural beliefs about emotions support this general moderation and have implications for conceptions of psychopathology.

Concerning the action component of emotions, evidence suggests that the expression of emotion is carefully regulated out of concern for its capacity to disrupt group harmony and status hierarchies. It is concluded that all these features of Chinese emotional responding are likely to be found in other groups that share cultural characteristics with the Chinese.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF. Skip to main content. Advertisement Hide. Emotions and their expression in Chinese culture. Virtue is the establishing of perfect harmony. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves. This is a preview of subscription content, log in to check access.

Argyle, M. Cross-cultural variations in relationship rules. International Journal of Psychology, 21 , — Google Scholar. Bond, M. Winning either way: The effect of anticipating a competitive interaction on person perception.

Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 5 , — Linking person perception dimensions to behavioral intention dimensions: The Chinese connection. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 14 , 41— The psychology of the Chinese people. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press.

Finding universal dimensions of individual variation in multi-cultural studies of values: The Rokeach and Chinese values surveys. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 55 , — Beyond the Chinese face: Insights from psychology. Linking person perception to behavioral intention across cultures: The role of cultural collectivism. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 15 , — Group-serving attributions across intergroup contexts: Cultural differences in the explanation of sex-typed behaviours.

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Resistance to group or personal insults in an ingroup or outgroup context. International Journal of Psychology, 26 , 83— How are responses to verbal insult related to cultural collectivism and power distance? Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 16 , — Aggression behavior in Chinese society: The problem of maintaining order and harmony. Segall Eds. Global perspectives on aggression pp. New York: Pergamon.

Chan, D. Perception and judgment of facial expressions among the Chinese. International Journal of Psychology, 20 , — Chang, W. The prediction of junior high-school student sociometric status from some psycho-social variables.

Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Oregon. Chen, J. In special issue of Thong Chai Hospital's 92nd anniversary pp. Cheung, F. Psychopathology among the Chinese. Chinese Culture Connection. Chinese values and the search for culture-free dimensions of culture.

Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 18 , — Chiu, C. Chinese subjects' dilemmas: Humility and cognitive laziness as problems in using rating scales.

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John, O. Better than the alphabet: Taxonomies of personality-descriptive terms in English, Dutch, and German.

Not all is straightforward when it comes to reading emotions—especially when reading emotions across cultures. Emotion , 6 1 , All primates, and many other animals for that matter, widen their eyes in fear or when they are spooked. If you are good at reading facial expressions, even a slight change that lasts for a fraction of a second won't go unnoticed. The phenomenon is not limited to the tongue—for some, the eyes may blink less for the same reason. The amygdala plays an important role in facial recognition. Scientists and evolution experts have formulated many specific origins to the expression of happiness with particular regard to the smile.

Facial expressions of emotion in china

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Although perceivers often agree about the primary emotion that is conveyed by a particular expression, observers may concurrently perceive several additional emotions from a given facial expression.

In the present research, we compared the perception of two types of nonintended emotions in Chinese and Dutch observers viewing facial expressions: emotions which were morphologically similar to the intended emotion and emotions which were morphologically dissimilar to the intended emotion.

Findings were consistent across two studies and showed that a morphologically similar emotions were endorsed to a greater extent than dissimilar emotions and b Chinese observers endorsed nonintended emotions more than did Dutch observers. Furthermore, the difference between Chinese and Dutch observers was more pronounced for the endorsement of morphologically similar emotions than of dissimilar emotions.

We also obtained consistent evidence that Dutch observers endorsed nonintended emotions that were congruent with the preceding expressions to a greater degree.

These findings suggest that culture and morphological similarity both influence the extent to which perceivers see several emotions in a facial expression. However, the perception of such nonprimary emotions from emotional expressions is poorly understood. Perception refers to observers inferring what emotion s the expresser is experiencing, based on the physical signal that the observer perceives. In the present research, we set out to establish the role of two factors in the perception of nonintended emotions from both static and dynamic facial expressions, namely, the morphological features of facial expressions of emotion relating to expression and the culture of the perceiver relating to perception.

Previous research has shown that observers can perceive multiple emotions in a facial expression Ekman et al. To account for this phenomenon, Yrizarry and colleagues proposed a potential explanation suggesting that expressions that share facial components i. For example, observers are likely to perceive both anger and disgust in an angry face because the facial expression of disgust is morphologically similar to the expression of anger. In addition to anger and disgust, facial expressions of fear and surprise are also morphologically similar to one another Aviezer et al.

Based on these considerations, we hypothesized that the extent to which other i. In the current study, we compared the extent to which perceivers infer multiple concurrent emotions from facial expressions, testing the prediction that a given facial expression e. Building on this basic prediction, we developed one more substantive hypothesis relating to culture, as well as two exploratory predictions, which is outlined in the following sections.

Although the intended emotion perceived in an expression may be shared across cultures e. Specifically, Easterners emphasize the relation of the self with others, tend to attend to the entire field, and make relatively little use of categories. As a result, Easterners may be more attuned to the presence of multiple different emotions and their interrelations within an expression compared with Westerners, who would be attuned primarily to the most salient emotion category.

Easterners should therefore be more likely to endorse multiple emotions than Westerners. Based on these interrelated accounts, we predicted that nonintended emotions would be perceived as stronger by Eastern compared with Western perceivers Hypothesis 2. Furthermore, we examined whether the tendency of Easterners to endorse nonintended emotions to a greater degree than Westerners would vary as a function of the morphological similarity of emotions.

Given the limited theoretical and empirical support for this account, we conducted an explorative analysis to test whether cultural differences would be more pronounced for morphologically similar emotions than for morphologically dissimilar emotions.

We therefore tested the above-mentioned hypotheses using dynamic emotion displays as well as static emotional expressions, to improve both ecological validity and generalizability. In addition, the inclusion of dynamic displays allowed for an internal replication of our findings from static displays. Unlike static emotion displays, dynamic emotional expressions include a preceding expression as well as an end expression.

Despite the ubiquity of successive contexts in real-life emotion perception, surprisingly, little research has studied the influence of a preceding expression on the perception of an end facial expression. One study by Russell and Fehr provided initial evidence for an effect of successive contextual information. In their experiment, participants saw two photographs of different facial expressions in succession.

The authors found that viewing a preceding expression shifted the judgment of the end expression in the opposite direction to that of the preceding expression. For example, a relatively neutral face was perceived as more sad when presented after a happy face. In general, Easterners attend more to contextual information, whereas Westerners tend to pay more attention to the target and to perceive the target independently from the background Nisbett et al.

This difference in attention to context has been linked to the perception of emotional expressions in Eastern and Western observers.

Stanley, Zhang, Fung, and Isaacowitz suggested that Westerners saw emotions as individual feelings, whereas Eastern observers saw them as inseparable from the feelings of the group.

However, research in cognitive psychology suggests that contextual effects can occur across domains, including spatial and temporal contexts e. Cultural differences in contextual effects exerted by the concurrent context may thus generalize to the temporal context. Based on these considerations, we exploratively examined whether the temporal context effects on the perception of nonintended emotions would vary across cultures Easterners vs.

We conducted two experimental studies to test the above hypotheses. Since perceivers from both East and West were to be tested, both Eastern and Western facial expressions of emotion were included. In each study, participants were asked to rate the intensities of three specified emotions from both static expressions static task and dynamic expressions dynamic task. Among them, anger and disgust are associated with morphologically similar facial expressions, whereas anger versus fear and disgust versus fear have morphologically dissimilar expressions Aviezer et al.

In the static task, participants were presented with photographs of facial expressions, while in the dynamic task, participants were presented with morphs of dynamic facial expressions that changed between two emotions. In Study 2, we used a different set of emotions to examine whether the results of Study 1 were robust. Specifically, Study 2 examined the perception of facial expressions of anger, fear, and surprise, a set that also contains morphologically similar facial expressions fear—surprise and morphologically dissimilar facial expressions anger—surprise and anger—fear; Aviezer et al.

It is noteworthy that the focus of the present research is on the perception of multiple emotions, particularly nonintended emotions, from facial expressions. Although there is a great deal of cross-cultural research on emotion recognition from facial expressions e.

Here, emotion perception is described as the extent to which emotions are endorsed from facial expressions, rather than considered in terms of accuracy. One of our goals with this research is to underscore the importance of investigating the perception of nonintended emotions from facial expressions, particularly in cross-cultural studies. Six Dutch actors three male posing facial expressions of anger, disgust, fear, and surprise were selected from the Radboud Faces Database Langner et al.

A pilot study was conducted to ensure a match of intensity between the Dutch and Chinese stimuli. A photograph of one of the Dutch facial expressions was presented on the left side of the screen, while the corresponding Chinese facial expression morphed to change from neutral to a specific emotion in 26 frames was presented on the right side of the screen.

Participants were asked to drag the slider bar under the Chinese morph to choose the frame that was most similar in terms of intensity to the Dutch stimulus on the left side.

Each comparison between a Chinese stimulus and a Dutch stimulus included two trials with different initial positions of the slider bar under the Chinese morph, with one starting from the first frame minimum intensity, that is, fully neutral with no emotion and the other one starting from the last frame maximum intensity, that is, fully emotional with no neutral. Twenty Dutch participants from the University of Amsterdam and 20 Chinese participants from Zhejiang University were recruited for the pilot test.

No significant differences were found between the two groups of perceivers, so the average frame across the two groups of perceivers was used as the final stimulus for each individual and emotion in the Chinese set. Consequently, each frame lasted for Thus, each clip lasted for 2, ms.

The procedure and materials adopted in the static and dynamic tasks of Studies 1 and 2. In the dynamic task, each trial started with a fixation cross lasting for ms, followed by a dynamic morphed clip lasting a total of 2, ms, and ending with a screen with three scales asking participants to indicate the last emotional expression they perceived on the face.

The emotion terms in the current research were taken from the respective facial expression databases i. They were back-translated into English by a native speaker of each language to verify accurate translation.

The study included individuals, 11 participants were excluded because they merely clicked through the trials without performing the task. The tests were controlled by a custom-written PsychoPy program Psychophysics software in Python; Peirce, and implemented on a Windows 7 computer. In the static task, each trial started with a fixation cross displayed in the center of the screen for ms, followed by a photograph shown for 1, ms.

Immediately following the photograph, a gray screen appeared with a prompt to judge the emotion expressed in the photograph. Ratings were made by moving sliders on three scales anger, disgust, and fear , ranging from 0 not at all to very much.

All scales were displayed on a single screen, with the order consistent for each subject, but counterbalanced between subjects. Participants completed three practice trials, followed by four blocks of 18 trials each. Each stimulus appeared once in each block, and the order was random. In the dynamic task, the procedure was identical to that of the static task except that the photographs were replaced with movie clips, which were displayed for 2, ms.

Participants were asked to judge the last emotion expressed in the video. Participants completed six practice trials, followed by four blocks of 36 trials each. Each stimulus appeared once in each block, and the order was random see Figure 1.

The total study consisted of a static task 15 min , a dynamic task 30 min , and an unrelated filler task in between to separate the two conditions 15 min. On average, participants took 60 min to finish the experimental session. In contrast, for facial expressions of fear, in addition to the intended emotion scale, ratings were only made of two nonintended emotion scales of morphologically dissimilar emotions anger and disgust. Culture of Perceiver and Culture of Expresser were between-subjects variables, and Scale Similarity was a within-subjects variable.

A complete overview of effects can be found in supplementary Table S1 ; the results pertaining to our hypotheses are presented below. We then conducted the same analyses on the standardized scores, and the results were identical see supplementary Table S3 for the results. This suggests that morphologically similar emotions were endorsed to a greater extent than dissimilar emotions. This shows that the Chinese endorsed nonintended emotions to a greater extent than the Dutch.

We further tested whether the difference between the Chinese and Dutch would be greater for morphologically similar emotions or morphologically dissimilar emotions. This pattern of results indicates that the effect of culture was more pronounced for morphologically similar emotions than for dissimilar emotions.

Nonintended emotion ratings as a function of similarity of rating scale and culture of perceiver for static facial expressions of emotion Studies 1 and 2. The error bars represent confidence interval. In the dynamic task, the last expression shown on the face was the expression to be evaluated. In addition to the factors included in the analyses of the data from the static task, another factor was included in the analysis of dynamic task data, namely, whether the temporal context i.

Both hypotheses supported in the static task were further supported in the dynamic task see supplementary Table S2 for all effects based on raw scores and Table S4 for all effects based on standardized scores, the results of which were identical. Furthermore, we tested temporal context effects across cultures. The three-way interaction was broken down for Chinese and Dutch observers separately. This pattern suggests a congruency effect in Dutch observers, with an increase in judgments on the rating scales of the preceding emotions.

Nonintended emotion ratings as a function of similarity of rating scale, similarity of context, and culture of perceiver for dynamic facial expressions of emotion Studies 1 and 2. A greater influence of context was found among Dutch perceivers than among Chinese perceivers. In summary, both hypotheses were supported in Study 1, with morphologically similar emotions being endorsed to a greater extent than dissimilar emotions Hypothesis 1 , and Chinese participants endorsing nonintended emotions to a greater extent than Dutch participants Hypothesis 2.

Furthermore, the difference between Chinese and Dutch was greater for morphologically similar emotions than for dissimilar emotions. In Study 2, we set out to replicate these findings with a different set of emotions to test whether the pattern of results would be robust across distinct emotion constellations. The study included individuals, nine participants were excluded because they merely clicked through the trials without performing the task. Besides the use of different emotion categories anger—fear—surprise and the accompanying rating scales, the apparatus and procedure were identical to Study 1.

Like in Study 1, the analyses focused on static expressions for which both morphologically similar and dissimilar rating scales were included i.

Facial expressions of emotion in china

Facial expressions of emotion in china